Nicaragua has entered a new stage of its history when beginning the second presidency of Daniel Ortega, and like throughout all she, the luck of the country returns to be bound to the figure of a caudillo who comes from the arms. This certainty of the repetition never could have been broken more than in some brief lapses in near two centuries, when the democracy could have had the firmness of a mold, and not being molded to image and similarity of that acquires military prestige first, and soon a recurrent political permanence per decades.

One is not to judge the reasons that took to the commander Ortega to their electoral triumph, legitimate from any perspective that it wants to see to it him. That moment already happened, and the surveys today give a much greater endorsement him of the one than it had in the ballot boxes. It has the presidential investiture, and it must now assume the new reality with all his consequences, just like it must assume it the country.

No other President of Nicaragua in modern history has concentrated when beginning as much power in his hand, still more that the one of its first mandate, because then he had to respond somehow before a colegiada Political Directorate of nine people of whom he himself was part.

From before he has had ample influence, but control, of the Judicial Power and the judges, the Electoral Power and its magistrates, of contraloría of accounts, and the majority in the Assembly National, again sufficient that majority to approve laws and to reform or to change the Constitution, thanks to his alliance renewed with doctor Arnoldo Alemán, liberal head. Of this influence or control they escape, happyly for Nicaragua, the National army and the National Police, the institutions that better have evolved in the country towards the modernity that means constitutional obedience, and not it personal obedience, and have professional and reliable controls.

Now, thanks to his electoral victory, the government also passes at the hands of the commander Ortega, whom he has designed of a careful way, legitim also, based on personal loyalty more than in the national consensus, as it very at the outset seemed to be. This decision, to place in the positions nails of the public administration to pictures his disciplined, militant of its own party to all test, it heightens surely what he himself looks for that enhancement, and is that he wants to have all the authority and the power necessary to make his program of government under his own personal responsibility, something not less legitimate.

And it is the moment at which the ways are branched off. Power can to use all formidable that it has to exert his mandate from a government governed by the laws and the institutional respect, in agreement with basic rules of consensus and understanding, without reduction some of liberties citizen, which they always begin by the unrestricted freedom of expression and exiling for the abuse that means to enthrone an ideology in the power, and to command from that sectarian vision, which means to watch facing the future. Or to exert all that power like in the old times, not only his, but in the style of the other caudillos who have governed to us in the past, under the premises of scorn to the institutional rules and controls, the administrative transparency, and the true respect to the independence of the other powers of the State.

In order to begin, the respect to the independence and the decisions of the judges in its decisions on litigations deprived, and in their decisions on resources of constitutional and citizen protection; and the respect to the constitutional paper of the Armed Forces and the public security, by the way that we took today, where neither the Army inmiscuye in the citizen life, nor we fear to no system of control of our lives deprived through secret organisms of security of the State.

The simple proclamation that as president governs only a power of the State, and that the other powers are to him other people's and nothing has to do with them nor with their members, he is not credible. Indeed because he must be able and he influences on them, because magistrates and judges have been put under until now their obedience, is that he can use that influence and control to undo them and to assure to the country a clean and honest judicial system, without whom any effort of economic development will become vain, because where there is transparency nor no judicial security, there is no development.

But the glance towards the future of the commander Ortega, like constitutional president, must reach there still more, because it is in the greater distance where the vision of the statesmen is proven and the shade of the caudillo vanishes.

In order to begin, what better than to use all the power that it has to sponsor a program of reforms to the Constitution, in consensus with the nation, that it prohibits for always re-election presidential, that reduces to the number and the privileges of the magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice, and number and privileges of deputies to Assembly National, that squanders the limited resources of a poor country that demands austerity, like one of the manifestations of the honesty.

On his vision of future it will depend how it wants to be remembered in the history of Nicaragua. Like a caudillo who could return triumphant to the power, to give him to the country more of the same, and to act like personage of another putting in scene of the past; or like the statesman whom the way of the democratic institucionalidad, without needing for that reason its promises of social justice took advantage from his own one to be able to affirm of irreversible way and popular prosperity.